Prostitutionsforschung: zufriedene Huren

Beiträge betreffend SW im Hinblick auf Gesellschaft bzw. politische Reaktionen
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Prostitutionsforschung: zufriedene Huren

#1

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Erzählt Funktionsträgern vom Bericht über zufriedene Sexarbeiter in Australien

(Hatte ich erstmals 2.3.7 gepostet, befand sich dann aber aus politischer Rücksichtnahme nur noch im Google-Cache)





Studie: "Prostituierte sind grundsätzlich zufrieden mit ihrer Arbeit".





Queensland, Australien - University of Technology - www.qut.edu.au | PhD researcher Charrlotte Seib/Woodward:
  • Weibliche Sexdienstleister haben vergleichbare Arbeitszufriedenheit, körperliche Gesundheit und mentales Wohlbefinden wie Frauen in der Gesamtbevölkerung.
  • Illegale Sexarbeiter, die auf der Straße anschaffen, haben geringere Arbeitszufriedenheit als andere.
  • Generell haben die Frauen, deren Familien über ihre Beschäftigung bescheid wissen, eine größere Arbeitszufriedenheit, als diejenigen, die ihre Arbeit geheim halten.
  • Befragt nach den Einstiegsgründen gaben an:
    82 % finanzielle Gründen,
    52 % gute Verdienstmöglichkeiten und flexible Arbeitszeiten,
    39 % spezielles Spar-/Konsumziel.
  • Im Gegensatz zu herrschenden Vorurteilen, daß Sexarbeiter aus sozial benachteiligten Gruppen kommen:
    25 % haben einen Universitätsabschluß,
    63 % hatten eine reguläre Beschäftigung vor ihrer Prostitutionszeit.
  • Illegale Sexarbeiter genießen keinen Schutz, was die hohen Übergriffszahlen erklärt.
  • ...


Quelle:

Englischer Presseartikel

Deutsche Maschinenübersetzung

Und hier der ganze Bericht über australische Sexarbeit auf einer Webseite der Regierung, der Prostitution Licensing Authority:




Wer hat Lust und Zeit eine Zusammenfassung für unsere LeserInnen aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum zu schreiben? :-)




________________





Noch mehr Prostitutionsforschung aus Australien:

Working girls : prostitutes, their life and social control


Roberta Perkins
ISBN 0 642 15877 0
Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 1991


Abstract

An analysis of prostitution laws throughout Australia are presented in this book as Roberts discusses the need for the decriminalisation of prostitution. Detailed findings from a survey of Sydney prostitutes and excerpts from in-depth interviews are included. Perkins also reviews a vast literature on the subject of prostitution.

http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/lcj/working/





Siehe auch Studien zum Thema
Arbeitspsychologie der Sexarbeit:
http://sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=397





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Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 25.11.2008, 02:03, insgesamt 2-mal geändert.

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Studie: Stigma und Sexarbeiter Migranten in London

#2

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Studie:
Prostitutions-Stigma: Anpassungswillige Migranten in London

Paper
Sex Work Stigma: Opportunist Migrants in London



Prof. Graham Scambler, University of Central London
www.ucl.ac.uk/medicine/



Inwieweit ist Fremdenfeindlichkeit ein Motiv im Diskurs um den Menschenhandel?

Sehr deutlich zeigt der Professor zu Beginn seiner Untersuchung die imense Vielfalt von Sexarbeitsformen und Milieus auf.





Typologie der Sexarbeitskarrieren

Karrieretypus - Beispiel:

Gezwungen - Entführtes Menschenhandelsopfer
Bestimmt - Verstrickt durch Bekanntschafts-, Herkunfts- oder Verwandschaftsverhältnisse
Überlebend - Drogengebraucher, alleinerziehend, verschuldet
Arbeiter - einzige Erwerbstätigkeit
Opportunisten - Sparziel oder Finanzierungswunsch
Bohemien - ohne Notwendigkeit, aus Lust





Diese Diversität wird man nur analysieren und verstehen können, wenn man sich den Haupteinflußgrößen unserer modernen Zeit stellt.





Haupteinflußgrößen der Gesamtsituation der modernen Gesellschaft

(1) Glokalisierung (d.h. gleichzeitig global und local)
(2) Verstärkung von Klassenschranken auf kosten von Reglementierung (Schere arm-reich geht auseinander)
(3) Zwangvoller Abbau des Wohlfahrtsstaates
(4) Menschen auf Eigenverantwortlichkeit zurückverweisen
(5) Flexibilsierung und Destandardisierung der Arbeitswelt
(6) Kulturelle Leitideologie des Konsumerismus
(7) Postmoderne Kultur
(8) Zerfall traditioneller Familienstrukturen
(9) Neue Konkurrenzen der Identitätsbildung





Hierzu holt er weit aus in die allgemeine soziologische Wissenschaft.

Um dann fünf Machtebenen auszumachen, die die Arbeitsbedingungen für anpasungsbereite Sexarbeiter und Migranten in London bestimmen.





Hervorstechende Gesetzmäßigkeiten zum Verständnis anpassungswilliger SW in London

Wirkungssphäre der Einflußgröße - Machtebene:

1. Gesetz der Kapitalakkumulation und des wirtschaftlichen Erfolges - Klasse
2. Gesetze und Polizeikontrollen - Rechtsordnung
3. Patriachale Hegemonie - Gender/Geschlecht
4. Nationale-, ethnische Herkunft - Migrantenstatus
5. Scham und sublimwirkender Wertediskurs - Stigma





Die flexible Sexarbeit ist symptomatisch für kulturelle, ökonomische und politische Prozesse der Globalisierung.


Klassenzugehörigkeit (=Menge an ökonomischen Chancen) wird heutzutage nicht mehr als identitätsstiftend gesehen, ist aber dennoch nicht weniger entscheident für wirtschaftliche Handlungsoptionen.


Was früher der neuen Philosophie von der eigenen Verantwortlichkeit gerecht wurde, erweist sich in Zeiten von Sozialabbau und Flexibilisierung der Arbeitswelt als allgemeine Arbeits- und Arbeitsplatzunsicherheiten und mithin als Eigenschaften, die für Prostitution stets prototypisch waren.


In der postmodernen Kultur des entfesselten Kapitalismus, zeigt sich die Klassengesellschaft im Konsum bzw. Konsumtionspotenz.


Selbst unter beschränktesten Umständen existieren Handlungsoptionen.

Die Ideologie der Freiheit und Wahlmöglichkeiten ist oft:
- Mystik, die das Profitstreben verbergen soll,
- Legitimation für Zwangsmaßnahmen gegenüber denjenigen, die sich abweichend oder "unvernünftig" verhalten.

Sexworker wurden von einem Autor deshalb auch "Helden ihrer Lebensumstände" betitelt.


Die Anti-Menschenhandelshysterie dient vielfach dem Zweck die unbequeme Wahrheit zu verbergen, daß es in westlichen Gesellschaften einen enormen Bedarf nach sexuellen Dienstleistungen gibt und der Tatsache, daß viele Frauen keine Bedenken haben diese Dienstleistungen auch anzubieten.





Sex work today: myths, morals and health
(29 Nov 2012)
[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MavoAMaUB1k[/youtube]
Dateianhänge
ScamblerProfGraham-SexworkStigmaMigrants-Sociology2007.pdf
Wissenschaftliche Originalarbeit. PDF 18 Seiten.
Sociology 41(6) Dec 2007: Stigma and ethics
(272.43 KiB) 954-mal heruntergeladen
Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 24.12.2012, 16:44, insgesamt 2-mal geändert.

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Meine Stigmatisierungsforschung: Sündenbock

#3

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Wie das mit der Stigmatisierung funktioniert

oder: Warum manche Personen medial als Opfer oder Täter markiert werden:


Am Beispiel einer Drogen-Studie:


"... Gesagtes belegt, dass die Verortung des Kokain-Problems in den Ghettos der Großstädte lediglich
dazu diente, Schwarze und Latinos zu „Sündenböcken“ für alle Arten von sozialen
Problemen zu stempeln. So waren von den 1990 geschätzten 13 Millionen amerikanischen
Drogen-Usern 77% Weiße, jedoch nur 15% Schwarze bzw. sieben Prozent Latinos. Die oben
schon angesprochene Kriminalisierung von Angehörigen ethnischer Minderheiten spiegelt
sich auch in den soziodemographischen Daten der amerikanischen Gefängnispopulation wider.
Nach Angaben von Kaulitzki (1995) waren 1989 41% der wegen Drogenbesitzes Angeklagten
Schwarze. Ohne das Sucht- und kriminogene Potenzial von Crack zu unterschätzen,
ist Kaulitzki in seiner Einschätzung des amerikanischen Crack-Problems dahingehend Recht
zu geben, dass Arbeitslosigkeit, Armut und Kriminalität weniger Folge des Crack-Konsums
sind, sondern ihre Ursachen vornehmlich in einer verfehlten Sozialpolitik haben. Um hiervon
abzulenken, wurden von Seiten der Politik soziostrukturelle Defizite individualisiert und spezifische
Personengruppen als Verursacher von sozialen Problemlagen definiert
."


Kaulitzki, R. (1995): Kokain-Krisen? Mythen, Moralunternehmer, symbolische Politik. In: Kriminologisches Journal, Heft 2, S. 134ff.

DUISBURGER BEITRÄGE zur SOZIOLOGISCHEN FORSCHUNG No. 3/2003 Die Verbreitung des Crackkonsums in Nordrhein-Westfale aus der Sicht von Rauschgiftfahndern: Eine explorative Studie, Dr. Thomas Schweer, Universität Duisburg-Essen, Institut für Soziologie.
http://soziologie.uni-duisburg.de/forsc ... ei0303.pdf
(37 Seiten)





Wie Statistikzahlen vom politisch-polizeilichem Regime abhängen

oder: Wie Razzien die gewünschte Stigmatisierung möglicherweise erst produziert:


"Da die Rauschgiftkriminalität als victimless crime gilt, d.h. weder Dealer
noch Konsument an einer Aufdeckung der Tat interessiert sind, handelt die Polizei in der Regel
proaktiv, so dass polizeiliche Selektionsmechanismen und wechselnde Kontrollintensität
das Kriminalitätsbild erheblich beeinflussen
. Somit verwundert es nicht, dass die Heroindelikte
in der Falldatei Rauschgift – im Vergleich zur Verbreitung der Droge in der Gesamtbevölkerung
– überproportional vertreten sind, gestalten sich doch polizeiliche Observationen in
der klassischen Drogenszene leichter als im bürgerlichen Milieu."

idem, Seite 9.

Auch Prostitution gilt als sog. Kontrolldelikt.
Mit Spekulationen zum sog. Dunkelfeld wird die gesellschaftliche Angst zusätzlich geschürt. Dabei kann diese strafrechtlich-kriminell nicht auffällig gewordene Prostitution gerade die sozial ins bürgerliche Leben integrierte Sexarbeit sein.

Ghettosierung, weil es die polizeiliche Kontrolle vereinfacht, ist ein zusätzliches Problem.





Organisierte Kriminalität: Zur sozialen Konstruktion einer Gefahr. Ein Kommentar.

von: Prof. Dr. Hans-Jörg Albrecht, in: Organisierte Kriminalität - oder gesellschaftliche Desorganisation? Angewandte Sozialforschung 22, Heft 3/4, 155-160 (2002).
Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht, Freiburg
www.MPIcc.de
Organisierte Kriminalität - oder gesellschaftliche Desorganisation?
www.lsoso.org/5_zeitung/scripte/zeitschrift_02.pdf
www.lsoso.org/5_zeitung/scripte/zeitschrift_03.pdf





Wie sich Menschen in Paysexkonsum & Sexarbeit durch Anonymisierung und artifizielle Identitäten schützen:
viewtopic.php?p=38365#38365

Razzia Blog:
viewtopic.php?t=1062





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New Zealand

#4

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Neuseeländische Studie:

Sexworker unterscheiden sich nicht von anderen Frauen hinsichtlich psychischer Gesundheit, Mißbrauchserfahrungen und sozialer Vernetzung.
Es gibt aber Ausnahmen von besonderes belasteten Sexworkern.

[Diese Problemgruppen scheinen sich die Prostitutionsgegner (Abolitionisten) scheinheilig gerne herauszupicken für ihre Argumentation zugunsten von Kriminalisierung. Anm.]




Sarah E. Romans, Kathleen Potter, Judy Martin, Peter Herbison

The mental and physical health of female sex workers: a comparative study

Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, Volume 35 Issue 1, Pages 75 - 80

Published Online: 20 Dec 2001
Copyright Blackwell Science Asia Pty. Ltd.

Kathleen Potter, Undergraduate Student, Department of Psychological Medicine; Judy Martin, Lecturer, Department of Psychological Medicine; Peter Herbison, Biostatistician, Department of Preventative and Social Medicine
Sarah E.Romans


KEYWORDS
Intimate Bonding Instrument • mental health • prostitution • sex work • social networks

ABSTRACT


Objectives:

The objective of this study was to compare the mental and physical health, adult abuse experiences and social networks of female sex workers with data previously collected from two large community samples of age-matched women.


Method:

A convenience sample of sex workers were interviewed and completed two well-established questionnaires, the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28) and the Intimate Bond Measure (IBM). Sex workers were invited to reflect on their experiences of their work.


Results:

There were no differences in mental health on the GHQ-28 or in self-esteem (measured by an item on the Present State Examination) between the two groups.
Neither were there any differences in their assessment of their physical health or the quality of their social networks. Sex workers were less likely to be married and had been exposed to more adult physical and sexual abuse than the comparison group. They were more likely to smoke and to drink heavily when they drank. One-third said that their general practitioner was not aware of their work. A subgroup not working with regular clients or in a massage parlour had higher GHQ-28 scores and may be an at-risk group. Narrative information about the work, particularly its intermittent nature, is presented.


Conclusions:

No evidence was found that sex work and increased adult psychiatric morbidity are inevitably associated
, although there may be subgroups of workers with particular problems. The illegal and stigmatized nature of sex work are likely to make usual public health strategies more difficult to apply, considerations which should give concern from a preventive health standpoint.

DIGITAL OBJECT IDENTIFIER (DOI)
10.1046/j.1440-1614.2001.00857.x About DOI

http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/jour ... 1&SRETRY=0 oder
http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/ab ... 01.00857.x





Evaluation der SW-Entkriminalisierungsgesetze
(Prostitution Reform Act, New Zealand):
http://sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=37403#37403





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Holländische Studie

#5

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Niederländische Studie


Insiderwissen und
Buchbesprechung:

Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk.


Book by Ine Vanwesenbeeck. Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1994, 208 pages. Paper $24.00.



Reviewed by Naomi B. McCormick, Ph.D., Visiting Scholar, School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Design, Family and Consumer Sciences, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, IA 50614-0332.


Deutsche Übersetzung


Since the 19th century, feminist scholars and sexual scientists have written extensively about prostitution (Bullough, 1994; Bullough & Bullough, 1987; McCormick, 1994). Both groups, along with the general public, have stereotyped prostitutes variously as pariahs who spread disease, victims of either dysfunctional families or an exploitative patriarchy, or self-confident, sex-positive women who take pride in their economic independence from men. Of course, none of these stereotypes does justice to the reality of women's lives.

Prostitutes are people, not types. Their occupational choices and experiences, like those of everyone else, are shaped by numerous cultural, economic, and psychological factors. Moreover, prostitution does not take place in a social vacuum. Sex workers' experiences and interactions are grounded culturally and psychologically.

Interpreting findings from two different, large empirical studies completed in The Netherlands, in Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk, Vanwesenbeeck examines in exquisite detail the cultural and psychological contexts of the lives of women in sex work. Balancing a feminist respect for sex workers' resilience with exemplary social science methodology, this invaluable book describes both the characteristics of contemporary prostitutes and their clients and the theoretical and policy implications of researchers' findings.

Clearly and concisely written, Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk should be on the shelves of every sexual scholar and clinician who is concerned about prostitution. The book would be an excellent introduction to good research practice for graduate students, not only in sexology and women's studies, but in health and social sciences in general. All 8 chapters (totaling 162 pages) are written in English and are followed by a 4-page summary in Dutch, 18 pages of scientific and feminist references in both languages, and 35 appendices detailing subscales and statistical analyses that are summarized in the body of the text.



In Chapter 1, Prostitution in The Netherlands, the author notes that millions of women work as prostitutes worldwide, but there is little scientific information about their well-being. The Netherlands, contrary to popular belief, is no "mecca for prostitution" (p. 4). Prostitution remains illegal and is regarded as morally unacceptable. Prostitutes' working conditions and health needs tend to be overlooked by officials. Nevertheless, the Dutch government permits cities to license brothels and sex clubs, providing employees are adults from European Union (EU) nations.

In Chapter 1, Vanwesenbeeck compares three distinct feminist positions on prostitution:
(a) that sex work is always bad for women and cannot be chosen freely,
(b) that women exchange sex for economic support in all heterosexual relationships in the patriarchy (not just prostitution), and
(c) that sex work can be liberating and sexually fulfilling.
Thanks to feminists, she explains, including activists in the prostitutes' rights movement, there is support for decriminalizing prostitution and improving the status and well-being of sex workers in The Netherlands.

Since the late 1970s, increasing numbers of women from Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe have migrated to The Netherlands, where they are employed as prostitutes. Vanwesenbeeck and her colleagues were cognizant that immigrant sex workers are especially susceptible to exploitation. Guided by previous feminist work, the researchers also investigated the role played by violence in sex workers' lives.



Chapter 2, Developments in Theory and Research, provides readers with a thorough review of the scientific literature on prostitutes in the Western world. Reprimanding those who misuse science to deride women, Vanwesenbeeck points out methodological flaws in earlier research from which researchers concluded that prostitutes necessarily suffer from serious mental illness.

In Chapter 2, Vanwesenbeeck explains the merits of drift theory, which attributes careers in prostitution to being stigmatized as deviant. Supportive of drift theory, many women studied by previous researchers described having "bad reputations" or being labeled as "whores" before entering prostitution. Apparently, few women were physically forced into prostitution, and for most, the overwhelming motive for entering sex work was money. In addition, Vanwesenbeeck notes, "the frequency of drug use and abuse among prostitutes ... [has been] generally overstated" (p. 31).

Vanwesenbeeck reviews previous research on the little-studied problem, how women manage sex work. Others found, she indicates, that women remained in prostitution only a short time and varied considerably in their job satisfaction, health, and experiences of victimization on the job. Justifying the new research reported in this book, she concludes that "We have no coherent representative picture on the well-being of prostitutes yet" (p. 39).



I had mixed feelings about Chapter 3, Factors in Well-Being and Risk: Theoretical Framework. On the positive side, this chapter provided a thorough theoretical and empirical explanation for Vanwesenbeeck's hypotheses (summarized conveniently on pages 6364). The literature review is outstanding. Unlike the lively scientific prose characterizing the rest of the book, however, this chapter read a little like a grant proposal.



Chapter 4, Methods, delineates how Vanwesenbeeck and her colleagues carried out the two major studies reported in this book. Well described, their procedures could be replicated readily by others. Nearly 200 female prostitutes and ex-prostitutes and 100 male clients were recruited throughout The Netherlands to be interviewed; women, but not men, were paid for participation. The investigators recruited women working in a variety of prostitution settings (the streets, windows, sex clubs, brothels, escort services, and women's homes). Migrant sex workers were well represented in one study.

Highly trained women conducted and audiotaped lengthy, structured interviews with prostitutes and clients. In addition, prostitutes completed a standardized, self-report measure of physical complaints and problems. Factor analysis was applied to construct meaningful subscales for various measures. Qualitative information was gathered to verify and provide insights into quantitative findings.



Vanwesenbeeck describes the findings of both studies in detail. Chapter 5 provides data on the well-being of prostitutes; in Chapter 6, the author describes if and how prostitutes protected their sexual health, and in Chapter 7, she interprets findings from male clients to theorize about prostitutes' interactions with commercial partners. All three chapters have important ramifications for social workers, health care providers, psychologists, and government officials.

The researchers compared the responses of the prostitutes in their studies with those of representative samples of Dutch women investigated by previous researchers. As expected, current and former prostitutes were to complain that they had significantly more likely than other women significantly physical aches and pains, experienced psychological distress, and had been sexually and physically victimized while growing up. Consistent with the hypotheses, victimized women were especially likely to report having poor psychological adjustment. Women who had high financial need and worked in unorganized settings (like streetwalking) experienced significantly more violence on the job than those who were employed in organized settings (like brothels and clubs).

The prostitutes studied here managed business and daily living problems appropriately and assertively, However, many women employed avoidant coping strategies [Vermeidungsstrategien] for handling their long-term and seemingly insurmountable emotional and interpersonal problems. Vanwesenbeeck illustrates makeshift and palliative coping [Behelfs- und schmerzlindernde Bewältigungsstrategie] by citing women's descriptions of how they dealt with depression: "There's always another day. It'll A go down again. And then things will be better. I won't let it get to me. I just put it aside" (p. 98). Small amounts of denial and self-deception can be good for mental health. In the short run, emotion-directed coping--including dissociation--improved prostitutes' morale and enabled them to tolerate oppressive aspects of their work. Notwithstanding, denial, self-deception, and dissociation were dangerous in large doses and for prolonged periods. In this study, excessive employment of palliative coping was associated with lowered levels of well-being in the long run.

Prostitutes who had been traumatized as children mentioned continually having to suppress or bury their negative experiences. Not all the women lead tragic lives, however. The researchers were inspired by a group of women who broke away from lifelong, emotion-focused, suppressed or denying coping strategies when they decided to leave abusive partners. Such women had learned new and more adaptive ways of handling problematic situations and said that they would never again end up in abusive relationships. Other women handled interpersonal violence in more self-defeating ways. Many women who abused alcohol and drugs were medicating themselves to reduce the distress they experienced in existing physically and emotionally abusive relationships. Drugs and alcohol worsened their situation, because addicted women often ended up working the streets, where they were subjected to higher levels of violence than other sex workers.



A key finding from qualitative research was that dissociation and suppression of feelings were learned over time and were adaptive for practicing prostitution. The longer women engaged in prostitution, the easier it was to distance themselves emotionally from objectionable aspects of the work. As one woman reported: "At first I used to cry my brains out. But then that was over. I've just run out of tears" (p. 101). Vanwesenbeeck's research yielded other important findings. Trauma prior to entering prostitution, violence on the job, suppression of feelings, immigrant status, financial need, and unprotected working conditions all contributed significantly to impaired mental and physical health.

The prostitutes interviewed for this book employed three protection styles on the job.
- Consistent protectors (78% of those interviewed) always used condoms with clients.
- Detached and businesslike with clients, the condom symbolized their professionalism.
- Selective risk takers (11% of the sample) usually practiced safer sex but willingly took sexual risks with steady clients.
Some selective risk takers enjoyed vaginal sex on the job, sporadically having intercourse without condoms to satisfy themselves.
- The final 11% of women interviewed were risk takers; this group frequently had unprotected sex with clients. Employed predominantly as window prostitutes or streetwalkers, a disproportionate number were recent immigrants and drug addicts. Highly depressed and very young, risk takers reported high financial need and job dissatisfaction.

Almost all the risk takers had lived through repeated traumas, including child sexual abuse, rapes on and off the job, and being physically abused and abandoned by men. Violence and deprivation contributed to self-destructive behavior and emotional numbness. Although risk takers were extremely afraid of getting AIDS and had themselves tested frequently, they had little understanding of the disease. In place of condoms, the women tried to "forget" about AIDS and engaged in a variety of ineffectual tactics for reducing risk, such as having sexual contact rapidly, compulsive washing, rationalizing that they hadn't been prostitutes long enough to get infected, and praying. Illustrating the value of qualitative data, Vanwesenbeeck points out that the risk takers' helpless stance toward their sexual health and well-being "was not confirmed by the quantitative data," which failed to show significant differences between this group and prostitutes who used condoms selectively or consistently (pp. 120-121). Discriminant analysis revealed that victimization on the job contributed most to sexual risk taking.



Vanwesenbeeck and her colleagues should be praised for their in-depth interviews with clients. Transcripts of these interviews, in combination with questionnaire responses and information from prostitutes, shed light on common interaction scenarios between prostitutes and clients and their implications for public health. The researchers identified five different client groups:
- consistent condom users,
- defaulting users,
- selective users,
- indifferent users, and
- recalcitrant users.

Three out of four clients were identified as consistent condom users. These men had one thing in common; they used condoms every time they had sex with a prostitute and were strongly motivated by a desire to avoid AIDS. Otherwise, the men had markedly different feelings about prostitution and their own sexuality. Six percent of the clients were defaulting users, men who sometimes failed to use a condom because they wanted "real sex and intense contact" with a woman (p. 128). Defaulting users were disappointed with their typical experiences with prostitutes; their need for intimacy or warmth and understanding was rarely satisfied. [Strategie: Dem Kunden mehr Nähe und Zärtlichkeit schenken (Ihn Verschmelzungsphantasien erleben lassen und zu hochpreisigen Serviceleistungen motivieren), um so das Kondomvermeidungsproblem als Scheinproblem aufzulösen. Mehr Kondomanwendungs-Strategien (SW-only)]

Selective users (11% of the sample) enjoyed visiting prostitutes but were inconsistent in their use of condoms. Some selective users limited their sexual risk taking to a "steady girl"; a smaller group took risks with many attractive young prostitutes because they wanted lots of "deliciously kinky" sex and hated condoms. A few men (8%), widowers, physically disabled, and/or elderly individuals, were indifferent users of condoms. Extremely grateful to prostitutes for fulfilling their desires, these profoundly isolated men used condoms mainly to please the prostitute with whom they had established a relationship.

The final group of clients were recalcitrant users (5%) [Widerspenstige Kunden]. This group visited prostitutes an average of 47 times annually and spent more per month securing the services of sex workers than any other client group. Nonetheless, the men had extremely negative attitudes toward prostitutes. Their rejection of condoms represented a conviction that they had been overpowered by women in the past and needed to dominate prostitutes to recover their masculinity. [Nur dieser Kundentypus entspricht also der feministisch fundamentalistischen These: "Prostitution = Dominanz über Frauen". Kann es sein, dass die sexuelle Sozialisation bei manchen Frauen eine feministische Weltanschauung evoziert? Wurden radikale Feministinnen durch männliche Ekeltypen geprägt? Anm.]



Vanswesenbeeck reports that her findings have been replicated recently in a telephone interview study of 559 men who visited prostitutes. She concludes that inconsistent condom users were deficient in education and emotional fulfillment, visited prostitutes frequently and compulsively, were desperate for sexual variation, and held the most negative attitudes toward prostitutes and condoms of all men studied. [Die negativen Beschreibungen mancher Sexarbeiter-Typen haben ihr Spiegelbild in den ihnen entsprechenden Kunden-Typen. Anm.]



Chapter 7 ends with a brilliant description of four possible interaction scenarios in commercial sexual encounters:
- In the standard scenario, each sexual activity has a price and requires negotiation and condom use.
- In romantic and friendship scenarios, men imagine that they are having an intimate relationship with the prostitute, which would be ruined by a condom.
- The fight scenario involves demanding sex without a condom in a power play in which a misognynistic client tries to dominate the woman. Women who are under intense financial pressure to service multiple men, drug addicts, and recent immigrants are especially susceptible to fight scenarios.
- [fehlt. Anm.]



In Chapter 8, Conclusions and Discussion, Vanwesenbeeck makes informed recommendations for public policy. Her position that the "risk of infection in prostitution is higher as women fare worse" (pp. 156-157) is both compassionate and soundly grounded in empirical data. Vanwesenbeeck argues articulately for legalizing or decriminalizing prostitution, supporting grass-roots organizations that seek better working conditions for sex workers, and recommending governmental action to increase prostitutes' safety and control over their labor.

Like many sexual scientists before her, Vanwesenbeeck points out that police repression does not eliminate prostitution; it only makes the lives of prostitutes more dangerous and miserable. This position has been well supported by previous sexologists working in a variety of Western nations (Gemme, 1993; Symanski, 1981). Vanwesenbeeck notes that the most vulnerable prostitutes are women who were sexually abused as children and continue to be sexually and physically assaulted on and off the job. Recognizing that drug-abusing women are especially vulnerable to violence and demands for unprotected sex, she advocates more effective treatment programs for all women who have survived sexual and relationship violence.



Vanwesenbeeck's findings on various client-protection styles and expected scenarios for interacting with prostitutes have major public health implications. The government should aggressively target the clients of prostitutes for more AIDS and sex education programs, doing all that is possible to encourage reliable condom use and respect for the women who provide sexual services. Vanwesenbeeck and her colleagues learned that sex work is detrimental to certain groups of women in particular circumstances, not all prostitutes, as has been commonly assumed. Regardless of the trauma in their past, prostitutes who have a stable support system and secure jobs fare the best. Instead of assuming that prostitution is evil by definition, Vanwesenbeeck recognizes that sex work benefits some women, even if it is particularly burdensome to women who have had violent life histories. Instead of blaming women for entering sex work, the author of Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk considers how best to protect sex workers from male violence, exploitation, and diminished health.

This book is an example of superlative sexological research. Reading it heightens social consciousness. As an American psychologist, I admire Vanwesenbeeck for her meticulously crafted, well-executed research. The feminist in me also envies her freedom to study and help sex workers. The United States is so sex negative that our government would never use tax-payers' dollars to fund a scientific study that promoted prostitutes' welfare. We must look to The Netherlands and other progressive nations for providing us with beneficial knowledge.



References

Bullough, V. L. (1994). Science in the bedroom: A history of sex research. New York: Basic Books.

Bullough, V., & Bullough, B. (1987). Women and prostitution: A social history. Buffalo, NY Prometheus Books.

Gemme, R. (1993). Prostitution: A legal, criminological and sexological perspective. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 2, 227-237.

McCormick, N. B. (1994). Sexual salvation: Affirming women's sexual rights and pleasures. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Symanski, R. (1981). The immoral landscape: Female prostitution in Western societies. Toronto: Butterworths.

COPYRIGHT 1997 Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality, Inc.
COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale Group
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m ... tBody;col1





Noch zwei Buchempfehlungen von Teela Sanders, England:

Bild

Sex work - a risky business von Teela Sanders (amazon)


und jetzt auch noch dieses:
http://sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=31075#31075
(FreierFachbuch)





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#6

Beitrag von holly103 »

Dank an marc!

Eine sehr interessante Studie, die mir persönlich sehr viel aufgezeigt hat. Habe die Probleme des Einstiegs. Ausstiegs und Wiedereinstiegs meiner Partnerin wiedergefunden.

Nochmals Danke.

Holly

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Neugründung: SW Forschungsinitiative

#7

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Friday 5 December
Institute of Development Studies, Brighton


Sex Workers in Development:

Can we get to hear their voices?



“On the eve of World AIDS Day 2008, the theme for which is yet again ‘leadership‘, the House of Commons International Development Committee released their report assessing DFID's new HIV/AIDS Strategy, claiming it is strong on rhetoric but lacking in the details on how it will deliver results or assess impact. The £6 billion funding commitment to strengthen health systems in developing countries reinforces DFID's position as a global leader in tackling HIV/AIDS, but the Report points out that the Strategy is unclear on how the money will be spent or its effectiveness will be measured.



Marginalised Groups

The Committee recognises that DFID has been a lead donor in working with ‘marginalised groups’ such as sex workers, men who have sex with men and drug users - groups which typically suffer stigma and discrimination and often lack access to appropriate state-provided services. Whilst the Strategy recognises the need to ensure such access, the committee points out that DFID fails to specify how this will be achieved. Non-state actors, or civil society organisations, play a crucial role in reaching such groups, which the Strategy recognises. However, it gives few details about how such organisations can be involved or access DFID support.



Working with Sex Workers

Policy on supporting and addressing people selling sex has been marred by deep divisions in perspectives and guidance. This has been marked by a conservative approach to ‘abstinence’, and the criminalisation of prostitution, coming from the US administration; and a more ambivalent European approach which increasingly demonises and criminalises the male clients of sex workers.

There are also heated debates about anti-trafficking efforts, but few take account of the voices of and evidence from sex workers themselves. IDS has recently been working with colleagues in Monash University, in India and the Global Network of Sex Work Projects to establish a new initiative for research with and by sex workers:


The Paulo Longo Research Initiative (PLRI).

http://plri.wordpress.com/



Link to sex work section of IDS HIV page:
http://www.ids.ac.uk/go/research-teams/ ... h-sex-work

On Friday 5th December, an open IDS lunchtime seminar will be held, where these issues will be debated and the PLRI explained.”
http://www.ids.ac.uk/index.cfm?objectid ... B5DEB92ACB

Speakers:
Jo Doezema, Consultant and Associate of the Paulo Longo Research Initiative (PLRI) and IDS alumni;

Kate Hawkins, KNOTS Research Communications Officer, IDS;

Jerker Edström, HIV and Development Programme Convenor, IDS;

Andrea Cornwall, Director of the Pathways of Women’s Empowerment RPC,

IDS
13.00 - 14.30, IDS room 221
All welcome
Location:
http://www.ids.ac.uk/go/about-ids/getting-to-ids





Bild
Paulo Longo

SW, Sozialarbeiter für SW, SW-Interessenvertreter, Psychologe, Ehrenamtl. AIDS-Aufklärer...
Rio de Janeiro, Brasilien





Siehe auch:
Sexworker und Forscher gründen ihre eigenen SW-Spezialabteilungen in der Universitätsbibliothek:
http://sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=41898#41898

Sexworker Academy:
viewtopic.php?t=817

Sexworker Kompetenzen:
viewtopic.php?t=3608





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Teela has won £100,000 grant

#8

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Faire Sexworker-Forschung von Dr. Teela Sanders


A tangle of lust, lace and unintended consequences


11 December 2008

By Olga Wojtas, Scotland Editor


A Leeds sociologist says ministers just don't understand the sex industry. Olga Wojtas reports

Teela Sanders' research into the sex industry has at times involved her being shoved in brothel broom cupboards while a sex worker met her next client.

"I often interviewed them in their work environment, and they were very clear that their clients shouldn't see me," Dr Sanders said. "I really learnt about their daily routine. There was lots of daytime TV."

One woman who had her own apartment worked between 10am and 3pm, after which she had childcare responsibilities. She told Dr Sanders she could spare only half an hour.

"Over a five-day period, I would get there at 9.30am and interview her while she was getting ready, showering and putting on lingerie."

Dr Sanders, senior lecturer in sociology at the University of Leeds, is a pioneer of research into the "indoor" sex market.

The focus of most research has tended to be on the extreme of street prostitution. But Dr Sanders says this is the smallest sex market, and that it is rare for women to move between the two.

"They're different worlds," she said. "On the street, it's complete survival and often the last thing they do to feed a drug habit."

But Dr Sanders, whose publications include Sex Work: A Risky Business and Paying for Pleasure: Men Who Buy Sex, found that most of the women working indoors had a qualification.

"A quarter of them had worked in caring industries, including nursing. Some said that in hospital they did more degrading things and had much less control over their working conditions."

Most had children and many were homeowners caught in a lifestyle trap, admitting that they had now swapped buses for taxis and Asda for Waitrose. The average time spent in the sex industry was nine years, with some working as long as 25, although the majority kept their source of earnings secret.

Dr Sanders, who trained as a social worker after graduating from the University of Birmingham in sociology and social policy, made contact with the workers by shadowing a sexual-health project. She spent months building up a relationship with brothel owners and receptionists before she was able to embark on interviews. And she believes that the Government's current "prohibitionist" attitude to the sex industry will not only block comparable research in future, but also undermine sexual-health projects.

"I doubt I would get that access now because everybody's so scared of police raids. And why would the people looking after the workers want to work with health officials if they think they can get seven years in prison for running a brothel" she said.

"Harriet Harman (the Minister for Women) has got this line that if we stop the demand, the sex industry would then stop. Clearly that's not the case. A market exists because there are two sides, supply and demand."

Dr Sanders believes that the government rhetoric about trafficking shows a lack of understanding of the difference between women who have been kidnapped and coerced, and migrant sex workers who move from one side of the world to the other to boost their earnings.

She recently had a visiting scholarship to the University of Nevada, studying Nevada's regulation of prostitution. She believes this is the safest way to organise the indoor sex market [compared to the prohibitionist model elsewhere in the U.S., but not in comparison to decriminalisation model of New Zealand etc.. (M.o.F)], explaining: "Women are registered, they are very safe, their sexual health is completely taken care of and they are not ripped off financially."

[Sex workers' interest groups are strongly against the Nevada state model of prostitution control, since it forces sex workers to compulsory registration as sex worker and to compulsory medical check ups only for them as sex worker and not for the sex service consumers (M.o.F).]

But her scholarship has led to a new research project, investigating the lap-dancing industry, for which she has just won £100,000 from the Economic and Social Research Council.

She noticed that the sybaritic centre of Las Vegas had only 37 lap-dancing bars, while Leeds had 13, a startling comparison.

"A few years ago, there were very few lap-dancing clubs, but now they have become mainstream entertainment, and a work option for many women. How this has happened - economically, culturally and socially - is something that needs unpacking further."

She wants to know how the lap-dancing bars have been accepted as simply another part of the night-time economy, co-existing with other bars and clubs. Her research will range from the licensing authorities and club management to the working conditions of the dancers themselves.

Policy is currently weighted towards communities preventing lap-dancing clubs being opened locally, but Dr Sanders wants to see more attention paid to workers' rights. And she speculates that many lap dancers, who are generally aged 18-21, are debt-ridden students who see this as a palatable form of sex working, with good wages for short working hours. Lap dancing appears to be particularly prevalent in university cities, which have large numbers of young students.

"I think it will be very different from other types of sex industry. It fits into some of the literatures about the sex industry becoming more middle class. You can track it with much wider social changes, including the rise of the night-time economy and more leisure time."

Dr Sanders also wants to find out whether there is less social stigma attached to lap dancing, and whether the dancers tell people what they do, unlike workers in brothels.

"I think there will be mixed results. I think some will be quite upfront and proud of using their body and exploiting the man."

olga.wojtas
http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/s ... 404641&c=1





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Studie: SW Lebensqualität

#9

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Doktorarbeit:

Psychologische Profile, Lebensqualität und Bedürfnisse von Sexarbeitern



Dissertation:

"Psychosocial characteristics, quality of life and needs of people working on prostitution"




Von Rut Pinedo González, Psychologin

Depto. de Psicología Evolutiva y de la Educación
Sala de Becarios 1
Facultad de Psicología
Avda. de la Merced, S/N, 37004, Salamanca
Universidad de Salamanca





Untersucht wurden nicht die typischen Prostitutionsforschungsklischees (Mißbrauchserfahrungen, Drugs, STI ...) sondern:
- Zwischenmenschliche Bindungen
- Sexuelle Zufriedenheit
- Lebensqualität

In dieser Arbeit wird nach Lebensqualität geforscht da, wo geldwerte Maßstäbe versagen. Denn gerade und auch bei Sexarbeit ist das Geld nur ein Teilaspekt und nur Teil des beruflichen Aspekts, während die soziale Integration als Basis von Lebensqualität den wichtigeren humanen Aspekt des Lebens von Sexarbeitern kennzeichnet.

Damit wird hier das Problem der Putophobie, des Hurenstigmas wissenschaftlich quantitativ und qualitativ sozialpsychologisch-gesundheitsmedizinisch untersucht und gewürdigt. Vereinsamung und Isolation von Sexarbeitern macht nämlich krank ebenso wie es eine Gesellschaft insgesamt krank machen kann.

Die bisherige oftmals pseudowissenschaftliche Fokussierung auf deviante/krankmachende Ursachen in extremen Biographien oder unfallartigen Arbeitserlebnissen von Sexworkern ist vielfach eine Alibiveranstaltung, um die gesellschaftlichen Ursachen der Sexworkerisolation nicht hinterfragen zu müssen.





146 Sexworker von geschätzten über 3.000 in der Region Kastilien-León (5 %) wurden qantitativ (SPSS 15.0) mit Hilfe eines semi-strukturierten Leitfaden befragt.

Durchschnittsalter 30 Jahre +/- 8 Jahre.
15 % TS, 3 % Callboys.
77 % Ausländeranteil.
48 % haben legalen Status.
60 % arbeiten in Wohnungen, 22 in Clubs, 14 auf der Straße.
...





"70% of the sample state that they have felt sexual pleasure with clients one or more times." [S. 54]

"We have found that 100% of the sample use condoms in their commercial sexual intercourse. Although positive fact is true for vaginal and anal sex it is not for oral sex; this kind of sexual practice is perceived as less risky so, condoms are not always used." [S. 51, 73]





Sexarbeiter werden meist nicht durch Gewalt Dritter zur Prostitution gezwungen, sondern gezwungen durch einen Mangel an ökonomischen Möglichkeiten und Mangel an Wahlmöglichkeiten auf den Arbeitsmärkten.

Diese Situation kann zur Annahme mißbräuchlicher/ausbeuterischer Arbeitsformen führen. Deshalb ist Legalisierung, Entkriminalisierung und Entstigmatisierung von Sexarbeit so notwendig.

Viele Klischees konnten widerlegt werden. Sexarbeiter sind nicht überwiegend Opfer von Mißbrauch etc. Viele verfügen sogar über gute Bildung.

Der soziale Beziehungs-Bereich birgt die größten Probleme für Sexarbeiter.

HIV/AIDS, körperliche Gewalt und Drogen sind überwiegend ein Problem von Straßensexarbeit, der unsichersten/gefährlichsten Form der Sexarbeit, die jedoch nur den kleinsten Bereich ausmacht.





Vielmehr können Sexarbeiter konzeptionel als Opfer einer masochistischen Gesellschaftsverfasstheit und als Opfer von Armut (Globalisierung) beschrieben werden.

Hilfsmaßnahmen für Sexworker sollten verbessern:
- Arbeitsbedingungen
- Einsamkeitsgefühl und Isolation
- Soziale Gesundheit
Dateianhänge
Diss R P González Uni Salamanca - SW LifeQuality.pdf
English short version - 101 pages
(1.3 MiB) 1177-mal heruntergeladen

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Was aus Kanada erkennen wir bei uns wieder?

#10

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Kanada:

Study says off-street sex work can be safe



Bild

Dissertation Tamara O'Doherty, Criminologist, SFU / UFV
Bei Professor John Lowman, Kriminologe
Simon Fraser University , a public university in Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada


Cheryl Rossi, Vancouver Courier
Friday, February 27, 2009


A local study on the off-street sex trade soon to be published in an
American, peer-reviewed academic journal concludes it's possible for women
to work safely in the sex industry.

Sixty-three per cent of the women who participated in Off-Street Commercial
Sex: An Exploratory Study, reported they had never experienced violent
behaviour.


[Die Sexarbeiterin] Tamara O'Doherty, a graduate student in the school of criminology at SFU,
surveyed 39 off-street sex workers and conducted in-depth interviews with 10
women with numerous years in the trade. They worked at massage parlours, for
escort agencies and independently, and earned a minimum of $200 an hour and
up to $10,000 a night for work that could take them to New York City and
France.

Women working for escort agencies reported facing the most serious violence.
Almost 30 per cent had been threatened by a client at least once while
working in the sex industry.

Twenty-five per cent reported physical assault and theft.
Theft by co-workers was the most common problem faced by workers in
massage parlours.


Independent sex workers reported the least violence.
They mostly faced threats from clients, at a rate of 15 per cent.
Independent workers and escorts most commonly face clients refusing to wear condoms.
But they said they renogotiate with the client or refuse service.

Seven of the 10 women O'Doherty interviewed identified online review boards [Freierforen]
as major sources of abuse. Clients can review sex workers online and some
threaten to post bad reviews unless a woman gives free sessions or otherwise
relaxes her rules. Women reported clients had posted the women's home
addresses and other details of their personal lives.

O'Doherty became keen to learn more about sex workers after she worked with
women at PACE, or the Prostitution Alternatives Counselling and Education
Society, which offers programs and services for those in the survival sex
trade
[Armutsprostitution]. The workers "blew every stereotype" she'd ever held.

She chose to focus on off-street workers, who are estimated to comprise at
least 80 per cent of the industry and are under represented in research.
What she learned surprised her.

"The people that I spoke with, these were very independent, very strong
business women who said, 'Hey, it's a job. If you like your job, what's the
big deal?'"

All of the interview participants told O'Doherty they consciously choose to
work in the trade. They reported favouring their high wages, freedom of
operating
as an independent and confidence or self-esteem they said can be
gained
from sex work.

Dealing with social stigma is the biggest downside, they said.
The women identified escort agencies as potential sources of exploitation,
but many understood that agencies require high rates because of the costs of
operating an "adult entertainment" establishment. Advertising, licensing and
rental fees can all be higher for businesses in this sector. "Agency
operators, municipal governments, advertisers and landlords all reap
additional profit out of the sex business because of its marginal legal
status
; ironically, in the process they all appear to live partly on the
avails of prostitution, a criminal offence," the report states.

O'Doherty asked respondents how sex work could be made safer. The women
wanted employment standards developed by people in the sex trade. They
wanted to see more information on how to work safely and training for women
getting into the business
[Einstiegsberatung, Sexworker Academy], including
health and safety and customer service skills.

The majority of the women interviewed balked at the idea of legalization and
licensing
. They feared losing their independence, being "pimped by the
government"
and being more easily identifiable.

O'Doherty says more research is needed to determine how reflective her data
is of off-street sex workers.

"Before we do any form of legal policy change--decriminalize, criminalize,
Swedish model, Netherlands model, whatever we choose to do--we need to know
more about how incredibly varied the experiences are," she said.

http://www2.canada.com/vancouvercourier ... e646c911c7





Lack of violence among off-street sex workers


June 28, 2007
By Marianne Meadahl


Contrary to popular perceptions about prostitution and violence, more than
two-thirds of off-street sex workers who participated in a recent SFU study
say they don’t experience violence while working.

Sixty-three cent of the study participants—who work in massage parlours, for
escort agencies or independently out of their homes—have never experienced
violent behaviour.

Those who did said the majority of incidents were related to a client’s
refusal to pay or to wear a condom.

School of Criminology grad student Tamara O’Doherty, who conducted the
study, says her findings suggest that the off-street sex trade is safer than
it is for the 10–20 per cent of prostitutes who work at the street level.
"The lack of violence as shown in this study doesn’t reflect what many
people typically fear about prostitution in general—that it is a dangerous
profession,"
says O’Doherty, who surveyed 39 off-street sex workers and
conducted in-depth interviews with 10 women involved in the sex industry.
The women were mainly Caucasian, aged 22–45, and earned an average of
$60,000 annually working four days a week. Ninety per cent had some
post-secondary education and more than a third had a university degree.
O’Doherty says the findings suggest that potentially violent men target
street prostitutes.


That "should be no surprise," she says. "Street sex workers, forced to work
in isolation with little or no protection from police, are ideal prey for
violent men."

O’Doherty argues that exploitative working structures and the quasi-legal
status of prostitution severely compromise sex workers’ safety.

Instead of protecting these vulnerable women, she says, "we have enacted
laws that further marginalize and expose them to harm."

O’Doherty’s thesis supervisor, criminologist John Lowman, says the research
is at odds with the Conservative government’s prohibitionist approach to
prostitution.

"This research suggests that Canadian prostitution law exposes street
prostitutes to extreme violence, while many women in the effectively legal
off-street trade are working violence free."


http://www.sfu.ca/sfunews/Stories/sfunews06280710.shtml





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Sexwork Forschung

#11

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Ausgabe Nummer 11 ist erschienen:

Research for sex work



in English / francais

Illustriert mit den Bildern der Berliner-Ausstellung



www.researchForSexwork.org





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Beyond Gender: an examination of exploitation in sexwork

#12

Beitrag von Ariane »

Im Anhang findet ihr die Zusammenfassung einer englischsprachigen Doktorarbeit von Suzanne Jenkins, die kürzlich fertig gestellt wurde. Thema: Beyond Gender: an examination of exploitation in sexwork
Dazu wurden 483 qualitative Interviews durchgeführt, geschlechtsübergreifend, mit Sexworkern aus USA, Kanada, Australien, Neuseeland, Westeuropa; über 50% der Befragten stammen aus Grossbritannien. Ich wurde ebenfalls befragt; dachte, es könnte von Interesse sein.
Dateianhänge
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(507.6 KiB) 14888-mal heruntergeladen
love people, use things - not the other way round

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Laura Agustín

#13

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

26. Juli 2009, NZZ am Sonntag

«Diese Frauen sind nicht naiv»

Eine Soziologin sieht nicht alle Prostituierten als Opfer


Sind Prostituierte aus der Dritten Welt alle Opfer von Frauenhandel und Ausbeutung? Nein, sagt die renommierte Soziologin Laura María Agustín. Die Entrüstung unter Feministinnen ist gross.



Interview: David Signer

Fast täglich lesen wir irgendwo über afrikanische, asiatische oder osteuropäische Frauen, die gegen ihren Willen in den Westen verschleppt und hier zur Prostitution gezwungen werden. Die Sklaverei existiere fort in Form des Frauenhandels, heisst es in diesem Zusammenhang gern.

Hunderttausende von ahnungslosen Frauen würden unter falschen Versprechen von zu Hause weggelockt, mit Gewalt ans andere Ende der Welt verfrachtet, unter Drogen gesetzt, von dubiosen Organisationen ausgebeutet. Sicher gibt es solche Fälle. Aber das generelle Bild ist komplexer.

Die Soziologin Laura María Agustín beschäftigt sich seit vielen Jahren mit diesem Thema, zuerst als Mitarbeiterin von NGO in verschiedenen Ländern Lateinamerikas, später als Forscherin. In ihrem Buch «Sex at the Margins» stellt sie sich entschieden gegen den «Frauenhandel-Mythos», der die Prostituierten zu wehrlosen Opfern degradiere. Bei einem Gespräch erklärt sie, warum Prostitution unter gewissen Umständen durchaus eine valable Option sein kann.





NZZ am Sonntag: Frau Agustín, Sie schreiben in Ihrem Buch, der vorherrschende Diskurs über Prostitution sei geprägt von einem «fundamentalistischen Feminismus». Was meinen Sie damit?

Laura María Agustín: Damit meine ich Feministinnen, die davon ausgehen, dass Frauen über alle kulturellen und sozialen Grenzen hinweg eine gemeinsame Essenz und ein gemeinsames Schicksal teilen: nämlich Opfer der männlichen, sexuellen Gewalt zu sein. Frauen sind für sie generell Opfer und Prostituierte ganz besonders. Prostitution heisst für diese Art Feministinnen Vergewaltigung, und also müssen die Prostituierten gerettet werden. Diese Axiome zu leugnen, ist für sie gleichbedeutend mit einer Leugnung des Holocaust, denn auch hier geht es angeblich um eine Art Genozid: an den Frauen. Das Leiden und der irreparable Schaden, der durch Sex ohne Liebe verursacht wird, ist für sie mit keinem andern Leiden zu vergleichen. Das sind Vorstellungen von weissen, christlichen Mittelstands-Frauen, die dann auf die ganze Welt projiziert werden.

Ursprünglich ging es im Feminismus doch darum, Verantwortung zu übernehmen, oder? Aber heute sieht man nur noch überall Opfer.



Sie relativieren damit aber den Sonderfall der Sexarbeit.

Ist Sex mit einem Mann, den man nicht liebt, wirklich so viel schlimmer als die Arbeit in einer Mine oder als Soldatin in einem Krieg? Den meisten Leuten auf der Welt, Männern oder Frauen, stehen – im Gegensatz zu Europa – nicht viele berufliche Möglichkeiten offen. Eine junge Frau in der Dominikanischen Republik hat oft nur drei Alternativen: Haushaltmädchen, Strassenverkäuferin oder Prostituierte. Manche von ihnen sagen: Lieber sterbe ich, als meinen Körper zu verkaufen, andere sagen, lieber sterbe ich, als mich als Haushaltmädchen ausbeuten zu lassen. Es gibt also individuelle Präferenzen, und nicht alle haben dasselbe Verhältnis zu Sex. Man ist nie total von äusseren Umständen determiniert, aber diese Frauen werden genau so dargestellt, als ob sie keine Ambitionen und keine Entscheidungsfähigkeit hätten. Die Feministinnen sagen: «Schrecklich, ich kann mir gar nicht vorstellen, wie es ist, mit einem Mann für Geld Sex zu haben!» Andere können sich das sehr wohl vorstellen. Wenn man die Prostituierten zurückschafft, dann ist die Frau halt gezwungen, als Haushaltmädchen oder Strassenverkäuferin zu arbeiten, that's all.



Wir haben halt das Gefühl, das Wertvollste, die Liebe und die Sexualität, würden entwertet, wenn sie zur Ware werden.

Aber alles ist doch heute käuflich! Ein Psychotherapeut verkauft seine Sensibilität, ein Kindermädchen seine Zärtlichkeit. Deswegen nehmen wir nicht an, dass sie zu seelischen Krüppeln werden.



Ist die «Frauenhandel»-Theorie nicht schon deshalb fragwürdig, weil es Tausende von Prostituierten in der Dritten Welt gibt, die sofort nach Europa gehen würden, wenn sie könnten, um dort ihrer Arbeit nachzugehen?

Wir haben in Ecuador ein Projekt durchgeführt mit Prostituierten. Theater, Rollenspiel. Diese Frauen waren sehr geübt darin, Kunden einzuschätzen. Aber sobald beispielsweise ein Italiener auftauchte, der sie nach Rom mitnehmen wollte und ihnen das Paradies auf Erden versprach, warfen sie alle Vorsicht über Bord. Das hat nichts mit «trafficking» zu tun, hingegen sehr viel mit Leichtsinn – den man einem Mann zum Vorwurf machen würde, nicht aber einer Frau.



Im Zusammenhang mit Organisationen, die den Prostituierten helfen wollen, schreiben Sie von einer «Rettungs-Industrie» – was meinen Sie genau damit?

Viele Aktivistinnen wollen die Prostituierten in einer maternalistischen Art «befreien», so dass sie zurück in ihre Heimat gehen könnten. Aber viele wollen gar nicht «gerettet» werden! Das Problem ist, dass all die Leute in den Organisationen, die sich mit Prostitution beschäftigen, den Prostituierten gar nicht zuhören. Es gibt nur wenige Feministinnen, die sich vorstellen können, dass sich eine Frau aus armen Verhältnissen angesichts der Möglichkeiten, die ihr offenstehen, bewusst für die Option Prostitution entscheidet, dass sie wählt und nicht nur ein passives Objekt ist, das gegen seinen Willen um die halbe Welt geschoben wird. Ich erinnere mich, wie an einer Konferenz in Quito eine Prostituierte aufstand und sagte: «Ich bin es leid, von diesen Aktivistinnen wie ein Baby behandelt zu werden.» Aber als ich einmal einer Repräsentantin einer NGO empfahl, wirklich mit Sexarbeiterinnen zu reden, entgegnete sie: «Wir müssen nicht mit Prostituierten reden, um zu wissen, was Prostitution ist.»



Nehmen wir ein Buch wie den Bestseller «Ware Frau» der beiden Journalistinnen Mary Kreutzer und Corinna Milborn. Darin schildern afrikanische Prostituierte in Österreich, wie sie durch Voodoo gefügig gemacht wurden und fürchten, einem Fluch zum Opfer zu fallen, falls sie ausstiegen. Sind das Einzelfälle, sind die Aussagen gefälscht?

Wahrscheinlich nicht. Aber es geht um Gewichtungen. Sicher spielen religiöse Aspekte eine Rolle. Biografien sind ja nie eindeutig. Wir können unsere Lebensgeschichte verschieden erzählen. Kürzlich hörte ich von einer Sprachschule in Benin, wo Frauen Englisch lernen, um als Prostituierte in Nigeria arbeiten zu können. Sie hoffen, von dort dann den Sprung nach England zu schaffen. Es ist eine Art Karriereplanung. Solche Aspekte kommen in diesen Bestsellern nicht vor. Im Laufe meiner Arbeit habe ich mit Tausenden von Prostituierten gesprochen. Die Mehrheit will keinen Kontakt mit Hilfsorganisationen und also auch nicht mit Journalisten oder Journalistinnen, die immer über die schwierigen Schicksale schreiben.



Präsentieren die Betroffenen ihr Schicksal bewusst in einer bestimmten Art?

Diese Frauen sind nicht naiv. Sie wissen, auf welche Art Geschichten die Journalisten aus sind. Dasselbe gilt für Gespräche mit Polizisten oder Sozialarbeiterinnen. Man bekommt eher Hilfe, wenn man sich als Opfer präsentiert. Das heisst nicht, dass sie lügen. Es geht um verschiedene Arten zu interpretieren, was sie erlebt haben. Meist wurden sie nicht verschleppt. Das Schlagwort «Menschenschmuggel» umschreibt die komplexe Situation nicht treffend. Eher waren sie gutgläubig. Sie waren verliebt in einen Mann, unterschrieben Verträge, die sie gar nicht verstanden. Aber das heisst auch, sie waren bereit, hohe Risiken einzugehen, um ihr Land verlassen zu können, um – wie sie glaubten – ihr Schicksal in die eigenen Hände zu nehmen. Feministinnen gehen davon aus, dass es besser wäre für diese Frauen, zu Hause zu bleiben. Migration und Prostitution sind für sie per definitionem immer erzwungen, und jede Thailänderin, die einen älteren Deutschen heiratet, ist per definitionem ausgebeutet. Damit kommt man dann natürlich zu astronomisch hohen Zahlen von «Opfern».



Sie legen in Ihrem Buch viel Wert auf die Tatsache, dass sich nicht nur Frauen prostituieren. Warum?

Es wird oft so getan, als ob es nur wenige Männer gäbe, die sich prostituieren. Das ist schlicht nicht wahr, vor allem, wenn wir neben den Gigolos und Strichern auch Transsexuelle und all diese Formen von Prostitution jenseits der eindeutigen geschlechtlichen Zuschreibungen hinnehmen, das afrikanische «Sugar Mummy»-Phänomen, also reiche Frauen, die sich jüngere Liebhaber suchen, sowie die Angebote für Sextouristinnen, zum Beispiel in Gambia. Aber das bringt eben diese eindeutigen Rollenzuschreibungen der «armen Frauen» und der «bösen Männer» durcheinander. Dazu gehört auch die Tatsache, dass viele Bordellbetreiber Frauen sind. Doch selbst wenn diese Fakten anerkannt werden, dann wird immer noch behauptet, Männer würden per se durch bezahlten Sex nicht so traumatisiert, wie man das automatisch für die Frauen annimmt.



Legen wir verschiedene Massstäbe an, je nach dem, ob es sich um Frauen oder Männer, aber auch je nach dem, ob es sich um Leute aus der «Dritten Welt» oder aus dem Westen handelt?

Unser Sprachgebrauch ist entlarvend. Bei Leuten aus der «Dritten Welt» sprechen wir von Immigranten oder Flüchtlingen, bei solchen aus dem Westen von «Expats», Reisenden, Globetrottern, Kosmopoliten. Das heisst, die «andern» reisen nur aus purer Not, den Umständen gehorchend, während wir selbstbestimmt und aus purer Abenteuerlust unsere Heimat verlassen. Beides ist eine Simplifikation. Natürlich gibt es das Verlangen, Neues zu erleben, nicht nur im Westen. Verlässt ein Senegalese seine Heimat auf einem wackligen Boot, spricht man von Verzweiflung. Vor zweihundert Jahren hätte man – bei uns – von «Pioniergeist» geredet: «Go west, young man.»



Wann begann man, so über Prostitution zu reden, wie man das heute tut?

Bis ungefähr zur Zeit der Aufklärung sah man in den Prostituierten etwas Gefährliches, aber nichts Bemitleidenswertes. Erst im 19. Jahrhundert entstand unter Frauen des Bürgertums die Idee des Sozialen, die Idee, man müsse den Leuten und vor allem den Frauen aus der Unterschicht helfen, bessere Menschen zu werden, also den bürgerlichen Normen Genüge zu tun: Kernfamilie, Häuslichkeit, Monogamie. Dieses philanthropische Projekt ähnelte in seiner Mischung aus Mitleid und Bevormundung den kolonialen Anstrengungen. Es ging und geht auch um die Angst vor dem Andern und um eine Stabilisierung des eigenen Wertesystems. Also musste auch die Vermischung von Geld und Sex verdammt werden, obwohl die im Bürgertum auch existiert. In vielerlei Hinsicht wird diese missionarische Arbeit heute in dem weitergeführt, was man Entwicklungshilfe nennt.




Laura María Agustín: Sex at the Margins. Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry. Zed Books, London und New York. 248 Seiten.

http://www.nzz.ch/nachrichten/panorama/ ... 96618.html





Mehr:
www.sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=2178

www.sexworker.at/migration





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Marc of Frankfurt
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Vernetzung unserem Forum nachgemacht ;-)

#14

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Neues Amerikanisches Forschernetzwerk Sexwork


Centers for Sex Work Research and Policy
(CSWRP)

www.sexInThePublicSquare.org



Bild


Vorläuferprojekt:
www.sexinthepublicsquare.wordpress.com





Professor Elizabeth Wood
Nassau Community College, New York, U.S.A.

Homepage:
http://faculty.ncc.edu/woodea/Home/tabi ... fault.aspx

Vortragsfolien:
"Bridging Communities in Sex Work Research"
http://www.slideshare.net/ElizabethSITP ... 09-1542754

Seminarvideo zum selben Thema:
http://blip.tv/play/AYGBhQSW5BM





Professor Michael Goodyear
-User in unserem Forum-
Dalhouse Uni, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Kanada

Homepage:
http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/goodyear.html

Site index:
http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/Sitemap.html

Sex work researcher:
http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/researchsex.htm

Aufsatzsammlung:
http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/Documents/





Siehe auch:

Laura Agustín:

"Forschungsethik oder warum lügen Sexworker bei Interviews":
viewtopic.php?p=37383#37383
und etwas tiefer

"Was für Sexwork-Froschung brauchen wir - The Cultural Study of Commercial Sex":
viewtopic.php?p=46270#46270





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Marc of Frankfurt
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Unterhaltsames:

#15

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Nichtrepräsentative Zeitungsumfrage

20min.ch



von Olaf Kunz

Prostitution ist kein Nischen-Phänomen: 20 Prozent aller Frauen in der Schweiz haben mindestens schon einmal sexuelle Gefälligkeiten gegen Geld oder nichtmonetäre Vorteile angeboten [20%]. Jede Siebte jobbte schon einmal als Hobby-Hure [14%].
...
Über die Hälfte aller Frauen mit einschlägigen Erfahrungen im horizontalen Gewerbe hat dies aus Spass getan [>50%].

...

Nicht repräsentative Umfrage, an der sich insgesamt 11 300 User beteiligten.

...

Der Markt für solche Dienstleistungen ist gross. 40 Prozent Männer wandelt auf Freiersfüssen. Zwei von fünf Männern haben schon einmal für Sex bezahlt [40%]. Ein Viertel aller männlichen Schweizer sogar schon mehrmals [25%]. Laut der Aids-Hilfe Schweiz nehmen etwa 350.000 Männer in der Schweiz wenigstens einmal im Jahr die Dienste einer Prostituierten in Anspruch [Einwohnerzahl Dez09: 7.782.900; >9%].

Mit grossem Abstand liegt dabei das Puff in der Freiergunst ganz vorne. Häufigste Gründe für die Ausflüge ins Rotlichtmilieu sind laut Umfrage «einfach so» und «Sex war zu selten».


Ganzer Artikel:
http://www.20min.ch/life/sexnach9/story/12287482

Ergebniss-Tabelle:
http://www.20min.ch/tooldata/survey/que ... y-729.html





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Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 24.05.2010, 18:03, insgesamt 1-mal geändert.

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Entkriminalisierung in Neuseeland

#16

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Sex industry safer since decriminalisation

An Otago University researcher has found sex workers are safer and more empowered since the industry was decriminalised



13 May 2010

New research has revealed that in the seven years since prostitution was decriminalised, the industry has become far safer for workers.

After interviewing 772 sex workers, Otago University's Gillian Abel has found workers are more empowered to insist on safe sex and assert employment rights with both brothel operators and clients. Relationships with police have also improved.

"When it was criminalised, the negotiations were much more covert to try and enforce condom use, whereas now they've got the law behind them. One sex worker in Christchurch has taken a client to court for removing a condom. "

Ms Gillian believes more work has to be done though, particularly to protect those under 18 entering sex work and in providing support for trans-gender youth, who are particularly vulnerable to being drawn into the industry.

She fears a negative stigma still prevents some workers from seeking the help they need and many still do not tell people what their real profession is.

"Whether it's family, friends, or health professionals, there's still room for improvement around things like the emotional health which goes with being a stigmatised population."


© 2010 NZCity, NewsTalkZB
http://home.nzcity.co.nz/news/article.a ... smain,nrhl

Länderberichte Neuseeland:
http://sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=37403#37403
Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 22.05.2010, 20:59, insgesamt 3-mal geändert.

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2 Schweiz Studien

#17

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Bild

Studien aus der Schweiz über zufriedene, erfolgreiche Sexworker:
viewtopic.php?p=80694#80694

Fachbuch:
Cachez ce travail que je ne saurais voir
Ethnographies du travail du sexe
Marylène Lieber, Janine Dahinden, Ellen Hertz (dir.)
2010, 228 pages, 35 chf, 23.50 €:
http://www.antipodes.ch/index.php?optio ... 0&Itemid=1
Übersetzungen:
http://translate.google.de/translate?hl ... Itemid%3D1





Bild
Bild vergrößern


Anm.: Der gelbe Meßpunkt ganz unten rechts im Diagramm sind die "happy hooker", die zufriedenen Sexworker des gelben Kollektivs der privilegierten, einheimischen bzw. westlichen und selbstständig, in-door arbeitenden Sexworker [22%]!!! Die Roten und Gelben zusammen ergeben 50% der befragten Sexworker!!! Das Diagramm der Korrelationsanalyse zeigt also wie polarisiert oder gespalten die Sexworker-Lebensverhältnisse selbst sind. Nicht nur die Debatte über Prostitution ist polarisiert.

Quelle des Diagramms ist eine Studie aus Zürich, in der mittels Korrelationsanalyse 4 unterschiedlich erfolgreiche Sexworker-Gruppen unterschieden werden konnten. Bei der Präsentation und Zusammenfassung der Studie wurde jedoch Sexarbeit einseitig diskriminierend als Problem für das öffentliche Gesundheitssystems darstellt ("Sex work is a major public health problem."):
viewtopic.php?p=74913#74913

Die unterschiedlichen Leidensregime für einheimische und migrantische Sexworker hat TAMPEP untersucht und dabei die zwei Seiten des Prostitutionsstigmas offenbart:
viewtopic.php?p=68763#68763





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Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 28.08.2010, 18:12, insgesamt 1-mal geändert.

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Stripper Forschung

#18

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

One in four lap dancers has a degree, study finds

'Women motivated by career and economic choices, not coercion,' says report



By Sarah Cassidy, Social Affairs Correspondent
Friday, 27 August 2010

The first academic research project into lap dancing has found that, rather than being uneducated young women who have been coerced into the industry, one in four dancers (25%) has a degree and has been attracted by the money.

Dancers took home an average of £232 a shift [= 280 Euro] after paying commission £15 and fees to the club, with most working between two and four shifts a week – giving them annual incomes of between £24,000 and £48,000 a year [= 29.000 - 58.000 Euro].

The researchers found no evidence of trafficking in the industry, and concluded that career and economic choices were motivations for dancing rather than drug use or coercion.

Aspiring actresses, models and artists used exotic dancing as a career strategy which fitted alongside their other work, training or studies.

Unemployed new graduates – mainly with arts degrees – were also dancing because they could not find graduate jobs and found that lap dancing paid much better than bar work.


Bild

The research by Dr Teela Sanders and Kate Hardy, from the University of Leeds, found the vast majority of dancers reported high rates of job satisfaction.


The main attraction of the work was the flexibility it offered to combine different work options and studying.

However, the researchers also found dancers' welfare was often disregarded. They called for better regulation to improve dancers' safety and security, including the banning of private booths in clubs, arguing that women could be in danger when alone with customers or that standards could be lowered by women offering more than was allowed in dances. Dancers were also open to financial exploitation by the clubs who could impose charges and fines.

One dancer told researchers: "There's not enough security. I know of girls who have been raped and abused at work. You cannot go to the police as you are a stripper, so there's no legal standing."

The research comes at a pivotal time for lap dancing clubs. After an explosion of clubs across UK high streets, a change in the law earlier this year saw their reclassification as sexual entertainment venues, giving local authorities more powers to limit the number of clubs in their area and to take objections into consideration.

The change in the licensing laws governing lap-dancing clubs came after a campaign by the Fawcett Society and Object, the women's rights organisations. They have welcomed the change in the law but called for it to go further, saying "lap-dance clubs are a form of commercial sexual exploitation and promote the sexist view that women are sex objects".

Dr Sanders said she had been surprised at the "endless supply of women" wanting to be lap dancers. She said: "These women are incredibly body confident. I think there is something of a generational cultural difference. These young women do not buy the line that they are being exploited, because they are the ones making the money out of a three-minute dance and a bit of a chat. You have got to have a certain way about you to do it. They say 80 per cent of the job is talking. These women do work hard for their money – you don't just turn up and wiggle your bum.

"But there is an issue about whether these women become trapped in the job because of the money. I think people often stay longer than they want."

[trapped by the money - vom Geld gekauft, wenn das mal nicht gerade das Prinzip von abhängiger Beschäftigung ist bis hinein in die höchsten Manageretagen... Anm.]

The preliminary findings of the year-long study, which will include interviews with 300 dancers, reveal that all the women interviewed had finished school and gained some qualifications.

87 per cent had at least completed a further education course, while
25 per cent (one in four) had undergraduate degrees. Just over
33 per cent (one in three) dancers were in some form of education, with
14 per cent using dancing to help fund an undergraduate degree,
_6.3 per cent to help fund a postgraduate degree, and
_3.8 per cent using it to fund further education courses.

Some women begin dancing after graduating from university and not being able to find work. The researchers found arts degree graduates were most likely to report that they had turned to dancing after being unable to find other work. Others used dancing to provide a more steady and reliable income when working in more unstable arts jobs.

One dancer had been doing a law degree which included a work placement during her third year. While working, she got used to earning a good wage, decided she would struggle when she returned to university without an income, and began dancing as soon as she went back to finish her degree.


Case study: 'It's your job to flatter men into buying dances'

Amber gave up a career as a financial journalist seven years ago, and now earns around £40,000 a year working as a stripper in pubs in London's East End.

The 32-year-old, who has three A-levels and a journalism degree, said: "I had always been fascinated by the idea of being a stripper. I was disillusioned about the work I was doing. I think many people who have worked hard at school and university get out into the real world and find it's not what they expected. Someone I knew had a partner who worked as a stripper, so I went to see her perform at a pub in the East End.

"I think it's everyone's dream to be self-employed, to not have a boss and to work as much or as little as you want. In journalism, it didn't matter how many hours of overtime I put in, I still got paid the same. Now I can work really hard one week and earn good money, and then I can have a week when I don't work so hard and don't earn so much.

"At first, I combined the stripping with my office job, but then I thought I could come back to sitting behind a desk when I'm older. I've started to move away from pub stripping now, moving more into burlesque and pole and podium dancing.

"I've tried the big clubs, but it didn't suit me. In a funny way, I'm not money-motivated enough. I don't like flattering people's egos if I think they're a bit of an idiot. In a club, it's your job to flatter the men into buying private dances. It's a sales job, and the girls who do that job do it really well. You have to suss out someone's body language, look at their clothes and watch to suss out how much money they've got, and look at how they behave in the group they're in.

"I enjoy a proper strip show. I get to choose my own music, my own clothes and perform my own show. In the pubs, I pay £15 on average as a house fee, then you make your money by collecting £1 from everybody. There's no typical earnings – it depends how many people are there.

"It doesn't surprise me that dancers are well educated, although in my experience they tend to be from not traditionally academic families. One personality trait most share is being very driven. You need that to get good qualifications if you're not from a traditional academic background.

"I've met dancers who have degrees in astrophysics from top universities. They've pushed themselves hard to get those qualifications and now they're pushing themselves to be successful dancers."

independent.co.uk

viewtopic.php?p=86423#86423

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Re: Stripper Forschung

#19

Beitrag von Aoife »

          Bild
Marc of Frankfurt hat geschrieben:One in four lap dancers has a degree, study finds

'Women motivated by career and economic choices, not coercion,' says report
Danke, Marc!

Eine deutsche Zusammenfassung des Artikels mit link auf das englische Original befindet sich bereits hier: viewtopic.php?p=86423#86423

Liebe Grüße, Aoife
It's not those who inflict the most, but those who endure the most, who will conquer. MP.Vol.Bobby Sands
'I know kung fu, karate, and 37 other dangerous words'
Misspellings are *very special effects* of me keyboard

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Links

#20

Beitrag von Marc of Frankfurt »

Deinen Link hatte ich doch längst dort stehen.
___


Viele weitere Links Stripper-Forschung in diesem Artikel:
http://theweek.com/article/index/206640 ... -strippers





Dr. Belle de Jour of Bristol

"Any reader of her blogs or books will know the story of her deteriorating relationship with The Boy is far more gruesome than any of her descriptions of sex work, ending in him leaving photographs of him having sex with someone else on her phone."

www.sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=94835#94835





Dr. Belle de Jour of Bristol entlarvt eine wissenschaftlich unhaltbare Studie gegen Tabledance-Clubs in London:

Bild

www.sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=96571#96571

Und darunter: Wie Sexworker mit Gewalt am Arbeitsplatz und der Polizei umgehen:

Female Sex Workers and the Social Context of Workplace Violence
in Tijuana, Mexico






Metastudie über Sperrgebietsverordnungen in den USA:
Die Rechtsdoktrin der Begleitkriminalität als bloße Hypothese entlarvt:


www.sexworker.at/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=97490#97490





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Zuletzt geändert von Marc of Frankfurt am 05.05.2011, 00:43, insgesamt 5-mal geändert.

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